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These sectors however were unable to produce competitive goods for export, especially for Introduction 17 the Western markets. While these sectors were unable to compete on the international markets, their functioning required a high level of energy consumption that led to an endemic energy crisis in industry.

The erroneous economic strategy devised by the regime in the late s was pursued unabatedly, in spite of unfavorable international and domestic conjunctures. Throughout the s, instead of introducing economic reforms the regime imposed harsh rationing measures that affected primarily the population. These measures concentrated on the rationing of energy consumption e. Such an economic strategy led to both absolute and relative deprivation, which affected a great majority of the population and contributed significantly to the final demise of the Romanian communist regime.

Ideological decay or the erosion of ideology was a phenomenon that other communist regimes in ECE experienced after Nikita Khrushchev presented his "secret report" to the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU on the night of February According to Koiakowski, Khrushchev's exposure of the abuses committed by Stalin represented a true ideological shock: "De-Stalinization proved to be a virus from which Communism never recovered.

Actually, the Utopian goal of building radically new societies throughout Sovietized Europe received a definitive blow with the sparking of the Hungarian Revolution in October In the case of Romania, an ideology that never 1 8 Introduction appealed to the Romanian society - as Mihai Botez aptly observed - simply could not enter a process of decay. Although Marxism- Leninism never truly appealed to the Romanian society, the regime was able to make use of nationalism as an ideological substitute, which, especially from onwards, served as ideological "cement" for the Romanian ethnic majority and legitimized the rule of the Romanian Communist Party RCP.

After the launch of Gorbachev's program of reforms, emancipation from the Soviet Union meant nothing for the Romanian population as long as Moscow became suddenly synonymous with restructuring and openness, and independent Romania was heading towards disaster. Introduction 1 9 Chapter 4 discusses the issue of contingency and argues that conjunctural factors played an important role in the final demise of the communist rule in Romania.

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The present analysis concentrates on two kinds of conjunctural factors, i. Given the nature of the power relations between Moscow and its European satellites, an external factor - which might be called the "Kremlin factor" - always influenced the decisions made by the power elites in Sovietized Europe. Until the mids, the "Kremlin factor" was synonymous with the involvement of Moscow in the domestic affairs of the "fraternal" countries in ECE, as it was the case in Hungary in or in Czechoslovakia in Once Mikhail Gorbachev came to power and engaged in a bold program of reforms, the "Kremlin factor" evolved into the "Gorbachev factor" and became synonymous with restructuring and openness.

At the same time, unexpected events of historic significance or crucial decisions made by the Western powers contributed considerably to the demise of communist dictatorships in ECE. For instance, the election of a Polish Pope in was a major external factor that contributed to the collapse of communism in Poland. Furthermore, the Polish Roundtable Agreements concluded on 5 April initiated the "snowball eflfect," which lasted until 22 December when the Romanian communism was brought down by a violent revolution.

In the same vein, the determination of the American President Ronald Reagan to establish a high-tech spatial weapon system forced the Soviet Union to invest more in weaponry, which weakened it economically and thus contributed indirectly to the breakdown of the communist regimes in Sovietized Europe. The communist dictatorships in ECE proved to be particularly vulnerable to external conjunctural factors. Obviously, one has to assess the influence of such factors on the six countries that experienced a regime change in on a case-by-case basis.

For instance, the Polish "negotiated revolution" initiated the "snowball effect" that had a considerable influence on the final demise of the communist regimes in Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, 20 Introduction Bulgaria, and Romania. Thus, the PoUsh case poses difficult problems of interpretation with regard to the set of external conjunctural factors that contributed to the demise of the communist regime exactly because a most powerful one, i. As for the case of Romania, this work contends that two external conjunctural factors were of paramount importance in the collapse of communism in this country: 1 the "Gorbachev factor;" and 2 the "snowball effect.

It was about an intricate historical process that by the end of the s led a large majority of the population listen to the information broadcast in Romanian by international radio stations. The Romanian communist regime also proved to be vulnerable in terms of domestic conjuncture. The internal conjunctural factors, however, contributed to a lesser extent to the final demise of the regime. Chapter 5 concentrates on the nation-specific factors.

The examination of this set of factors entails a discussion on political cultures at both regime and community level. In the end, this chapter argues, these factors were responsible for the position Romania occupied within the sequence of collapse as well as for the violent nature of the revolution in this country. The analysis addresses the attitudinal and behavioral patterns that characterize the relationship between regime and society, which emerged as result of the successive transformations of the Stalinist model imposed on the Romanian society in the immediate aftermath of World War II.

These transformations took place under certain constraints imposed by the Soviet policy towards the "fraternal" countries in ECE in the general Cold War context, of which the Brezhnev Doctrine was Introduction 2 1 perhaps the most significant for the purpose of this analysis. This author identifies five main periods that characterize the relationship between the communist regime and the Romanian society in general over the period 1 "revolution from above," ; 2 "community-building," ; 3 transition from "community-building" to nation-building, ; 4 fully- fledged nation-building, ; and 5 disenchantment and de-legitimation, Throughout these five periods, two processes interacted permanently.

On the one hand, the regime applied consistent policies meant to tame and subsequently co-opt the population. On the other hand, the population reacted to these policies in various ways ranging from collaboration to open conflict with the regime. The attitudinal and behavioral patterns that resulted from the complex interaction of these processes determined ultimately both the nature and timing of the Romanian revolution of The Stalinist mindset of the Romanian power elite went gradually through a series of transformations after , in the aftermath of Khrushchev's condemnation of Stalin's personality cult.

Threatened by de-Stalinization, Gheorghiu-Dej and his men devised the strategy of political survival that was not centered from the very beginning on a skillful instrumentalization of nationalism. Once Khrushchev inaugurated his de-Stalinization campaign, Romanian communists had to look elsewhere for legitimacy and thus initiated a process of "selective community-building.

The political developments at the Soviet bloc level imposed the devising of a new political strategy by the power elite in Bucharest.

The selective nature of the community building process launched in the aftermath of the events needs to be stressed once more. Not all the segments of Romanian society were allowed to take part in the process. Up to the year , numerous Romanian citizens were imprisoned on political grounds while their offspring were denied basic civil rights. Obviously, they 22 Introduction were considered "enemies of the people" and die community building process was not aimed at them.

De-Stalinization was a threat to Gheorghiu-Dej and his men, and a return to the people as the ultimate source of legitimacy was the only solution at hand. This is how a worldview developed within the ranks of the illegal RCP during the interwar years and subsequently in Greater Romania's prisons was subsequently extended to the Party-State level.

Marginalization, humiliation, external control, reliance only on the inner circle of power, made of monolithism and emancipation fundamental values shared by Gheorghiu-Dej and his inner circle of power. Monolithism of the Party and emancipation from Moscow, as key features of the regime political culture, are largely responsible for the violent nature of the Romanian revolution of The most notable protest from within the nomenklatura occurred very late, i.

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It was for the first time in communist Romania that former top Party officials were publicly criticizing Ceaujescu's policies. The others were communist personalities such as Alexandru Barladeanu and Corneliu Manescu, who proved themselves in international politics during the 1 s and 1 s, as well as Gheorghe Apostol, who had been Gheorghiu-Dej 's oldest collaborator.

Less known was Grigore Raceanu, an old-timer purged by Gheorghiu-Dej in 1 95 8. The "letter of the six" marked a watershed in the history of the RCP. On the one hand, the letter of the six represented the first major split at the level of the RCP elite. On the other hand, the signatories of the letter were already retired when RFE broadcast the text and their links with the Party were practically severed.

In this respect, the letter came too late and therefore had an insignificant impact on RCP's domestic policies. In other words, the "mortal sin" of factionalism was committed too late to avoid a bloody revolution in Nevertheless, the new image of the Soviet Union among Romania's population deeply undermined the propagandistic efforts of the regime.

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In the late s, independence from Moscow ceased to be a major source of legitimacy for the communist regime in Romania. By , the Romanian polity was definitely split into us and them. This explains in many respects why Romania occupies the last position, the sixth, in the said sequence. At the same time, to paraphrase the statement of a Romanian top communist official, independence ceased to be their legitimacy and this permitted popular protest to grow and spread across Romania in December It was because the RCP discourse centered on independence from Moscow lost its legitimating power in the eyes of a majority of the population that Romania was eventually able to exit from communism in Chapter 5 analyzes patterns of intellectual dissent and working-class protest.

Some authors have argued that the failure of the Goma movement for human rights epitomizes the entire story of Romanian dissent. Speaking about the Romanian dissidence in the s, a Western specialist in East European affairs affirmed in the early s that: "Romanian dissent lives in Paris and his name is Paul Goma. Group protests developed only slowly towards the end of the s and replaced timidly the isolated dissident acts by courageous individuals. It was for the first time when prominent dissidents were trying to organize a joint action against the regime.

Another story, which is telling of the efforts and vacillations of the intellectuals who felt that they should do something to protest against the communist rule, is that of the "letter of the eighteen. It took until mid-December to collect the signatures and transmit the letter abroad. Nevertheless, the fact that eighteen intellectuals eventually managed to become solidary in their protest in the autumn of indicates that something had changed by that time: a timid but shared feeling of solidarity was gradually replacing the "egoism of small groups.

What some intellectuals managed to do that day was to speak to the large crowds gathered in the Palace Square in downtown Bucharest and argue forcefully and convincingly that the monopoly of the RCP was over. Although short-lived, that was an important moment of the Romanian revolution. A key issue concerning the political cultures of resistance refers to the working-class revolts and the process of establishing a cross-class alliance against the communist regime.

This work distinguishes between "genuine" workers and peasant-workers and takes into consideration the development of distinct subcultures of resistance against the regime due to the particular situation in which each of these categories of workers found itself throughout the 1 s and s.

Peasant-workers were less affected by the economic crisis. During the period of food shortages, i. The peasant-worker is a good example of a strategy of the individual to survive in the conditions of a severe crisis: a job in industry in the nearby town, and food supplies from the little farm he or she owned in the village. However, such a strategy became less successful after the introduction of a strict system of quotas and increased control by the authorities of the output of the small individual farms. In these areas, as the interregional long distance migration figures show, came into being a relatively numerous class of workers relying only on the salary they received in industry - a class of "genuine" workers.

Again, the term "genuine" has to be understood in the sense of a category of workers almost entirely dependent on the salary received in industry and not in the sense of worker-father origins. Until the late s, the category of "genuine" workers benefited from the policy of industrialization and urbanization enforced by the communist regime. Beginning in the late s, however, the same category of workers proved to be the most vulnerable in face of the deep economic crisis.

When the structural crisis deepened, the "genuine" workers in those areas were severely affected by food shortages, strict rationing, and non-payment of wages, and were thus forced to think in terms of biological survival. It was in one of these areas, i. Their unexpected inception, convoluted unfolding and ambiguous outcome have been heavily discussed and debated. Theories and pseudo-theories have been put forward, and a variety of hypotheses and concepts supported one another or clashed vigorously.

Scholars and laypeople alike attempted at making sense of those events and assessing their regional and global significance, and eventually proclaimed their revolutionary character. One might argue that those events took almost everybody by surprise, and this is why there were so numerous those who believed they were "true" revolutions. Many accepted that in the countries of "actually existing socialism" in ECE experienced a revolutionary situation. At the same time, it was exactly the revolutionary nature of the events that has been often contested, if not utterly denied. Some maintained that the events do not qualify as a genuine revolution on the model of the great modern revolutions such as the French or the Russian.

Violence, it was argued, is the fundamental characteristic of a revolution and therefore the regime changes in ECE were not "true" revolutions for the very simple reason that violence was almost non-existent, with the obvious exception of Romania. This chapter puts forward a frame of analysis for explaining 28 Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach the events in ECE. When analyzing the revolutions of , one is compelled to address three fundamental issues related to their inception, unfolding and outcome, which can be summarized as follows: 1 timing; 2 sequence of events; and 3 nature of regime changes.

In other words, one has to provide a convincing answer to the following questions: 1 Why those revolutions occurred precisely in ? This chapter opens with a discussion on the problems of definition one faces when examining the events in ECE and addresses the most significant similarities and differences between those events and the "classic" revolutions of the modern age.

The argument put forward is that the events in ECE can be termed as revolutions, but a particular kind of revolutions, i. Furthermore, this chapter provides an explanatory model that takes into consideration both the domestic developments and the entangled histories of the Soviet Bloc countries over the period in order to discuss the crucial issues of timing, sequence of events and nature of revolution negotiated or non-negotiated, violent or non-violent.

The general model proposed for explaining such issues is based on path-dependency, agency and contingency, and the main assumption is that the collapse of communist rule in ECE was provoked by an intricate and sometimes unexpected interplay of structural, conjunctural and nation-specific factors, which ultimately determined the timing, sequence, and nature of those events.

Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 29 Understanding by Analogy A simple and direct way of making sense of the nature of the events in ECE would be to compare them with the classic revolutions. As Krishan Kumar has suggested, a way of understanding is "by analogy.

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Therefore, a first issue that deserves further examination is related to the idea of a "new beginning" that characterized the classic revolutions. Thus, in her classic study of revolutions, Hannah Arendt has argued that the modern concept of revolution is "inextricably bound up with the notion that the course of history suddenly begins anew, that an entirely new story, a story never known or told before is about to unfold.

Many of the participants in the events simply envisaged a return to normality, a "normality" that was generally perceived as that of the affluent "capitalistic" ' Krishan Kumar, Revolutionary Ideas and Ideals Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, , People simply wanted to live better, and it was quite clear that the communist regimes were not able to provide for their populations in this respect.

Robert Darnton, who witnessed the fall of state socialism in East Germany while spending the academic year at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin, remembers the discussion he had with an East German intellectual in Halle immediately after the Wende: "Colleague D leaned over and looked hard into my face: 'Two systems have competed for almost a half a century,' he said. As Kumar noted: "The 'pathos of novelty' that Hannah Arendt saw as the hallmark of modern revolution has been conspicuously absent. Far from it, the revolution of has displayed something like nostalgia for the achievements of past revolutions.

It did not wish to go forward; it wished to go back [emphasis added]. Eisenstadt observed: "There was no totalistic, Utopian vision rooted in eschatological expectations of a new type of society. Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 3 1 promulgated in Central and Eastern Europe, calling for freedom from repressive totalitarian or authoritarian regimes, relied on various pragmatic adjustments. According to Habermas, what happened in was a "revolution that is to some degree flowing backwards, one that clears the ground in order to catch up with developments previously missed out.

Turning back to the modern revolutions and comparing the events in ECE with the "classic," "bourgeois" French Revolution of , one should ask oneself to what extent the events in constituted a social revolution. The concept of social revolution has been employed by Theda Skocpol in her comparative analysis of the French, Russian and Chinese revolutions. According to Skocpol, social revolutions are "rapid, basic transformations of a society's state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by class-based revolts from below.

In this respect, Eisenstadt noted: "It would be difficult to say whether these were bourgeois or proletarian revolutions. Even in respect to the classical revolutions, these definitions are not always helpful or enlightening; in respect to the events in Eastern Europe they are meaningless.

Third, revolutionary violence represents a crucial aspect that deserves further discussion when comparing the "classic" revolutions with the events in Charles Tilly, a prominent theorist of social change, stresses the use of force as intrinsically linked with the idea of revolution. According to Tilly, a revolution is: forcible transfer of power over a state in the course of which at least two distinct blocs of contenders make incompatible claims to control the state, and some significant portion of the population subject to the state's jurisdiction acquiesces in the claims of each bloc [emphasis added].

Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 33 could be termed as revolutions. Ironically enough, if one employs such a perspective, then only the events in Romania could be described as a "genuine" revolution. It is worth mentioning that there were quite numerous those who were initially impressed by the December situation in Romania. Timothy Garton Ash, for instance, wrote at the time: "Nobody hesitated to call what happened in Romania a revolution.

After all, it really looked like one: angry crowds on the streets, tanks, government buildings in flames, the dictator put up against a wall and shot. Consequently, in his concluding remarks to a major international conference dedicated to the celebration of ten years from the "miraculous year" , Garton Ash stated bluntly: "Curiously enough the moment when people in the West finally thought there was a revolution was when they saw television pictures of Romania: crowds, tanks, shooting, blood in the streets.

They said: 'That - we know that is a revolution,' and of course the joke is that it was the only one that wasn't [original emphasis]. However, it was exactly the Romanian revolution "that wasn't" which added to the revolutionary year the missing elements of "classic" revolutions. These elements, as J. Brown has perceptively argued, were: violence, bloodshed and tyrannicide. Numerous foreign and Romanian authors, disillusioned with the slow pace of the post- transition to democracy, have expressed the idea of a questionable revolution in Romania by using the word revolution in quotation marks.

To conclude this part, it may be argued that a majority of the authors who addressed the regime changes in ECE agreed more or less to the idea that those events constituted revolutions, but a special kind of revolutions. The next section discusses the unusual nature of the revolutions and argues in favor of defining them as "postmodern" revolutions. The Revolutions of "Postmodern" Revolutions? As shown above, when talking of the revolutions of , a major problem of definition arises when one attempts at comparing them with the "classic" revolutions. Thus, there are at least three main differences between the events in ECE and the "great" revolutions in the sense that the revolutions of were neither Utopian, nor violent, and did not have a class character.

These substantial differences notwithstanding, would it be still possible to speak of the "revolutions of "? As an astute witness and critic of the phenomenon, Garton Ash confessed that there is indeed a problem of assessing "in what sense this was a revolution" and aptly observed: "In fact we always have to qualify it; we call it 'velvet,' we call it 'peaceflil,' we call it 'evolutionary,' someone. Between Past and Future, Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 35 refolution was able to grasp the intricate mixture of revolution and reform, as well as the gradual and negotiated nature of the fiindamental changes that took place in Poland and Hungary and initiated the changes of throughout ECE.

As Garton Ash puts it: "It was in fact, a mixture of reform and revolution. At the time, I called it 'refolution. But there was also a vital element of popular pressure 'from below. The interaction was, however, largely mediated by negotiations between ruling and opposition elites. It should be stressed from the outset that the crucial element of the Polish inception and the subsequent Hungarian ensuing of the wave of political changes in ECE was the roundtable principle observed in both countries by the communist power elites and the opposition groups.

The Polish Roundtable Talks, which lasted from February to April, concluded with an agreement that recognized the legal right of Solidarity to exist and thus inaugurated the revolutionary year As Adam Michnik noted: "The Round Table signified a willingness to transform what had been a policeman's monologue into a political dialogue. As Rudolf L. Kiraly, who argued that in Hungary experienced a "lawful revolution" that occurred peacefully "within the constitutional framework of the state. Tokes, Hungary's Negotiated Revolution, Bela K. Kiraly draws on historian Istvan Deak's term of "lawful revolution" employed in his masterful account of the revolution in Hungary.

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As Deak noted: "As the Hungarian liberals saw it, theirs had not been a revolution at all, but a peacefiil adjustment to the times and the legal reconquest of Hungary's historical freedoms. Their actions had been forceful, dignified, and magnanimous: his Majesty's ancient rights had not been curtailed, only the dual sovereignty of king and nation under the Crown of Saint Stephen had now been reconstituted.

It resembles revolution inasmuch as the legitimacy of the previous regime is broken during its course, and thus an unstable, unpredictable political situation comes about. It resembles reforms Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 37 The second phase of the revolutions was characterized by the non-negotiated, i.

The major feature of these non-negotiated non-violent revolutions was that political bargaining regarding the transition to a new political order occurred only after massive mobilization from below. The respective regimes, although did not open roundtable talks with the political opposition previous to the wave of mass mobilization, refrained themselves from ordering a bloodbath in order to suppress the street protests. Kitschelt et al. A revolution is spontaneous if the protests are not organized [original emphasis].

Lawful Revolution in Hungary, In Bulgaria, the day after the fall of the Berlin Wall a coup was initiated from within the inner circle of power and resulted in the replacement of the supreme leader of the Bulgarian communists with a younger apparatchik. The Bulgarian palace coup was aimed at initiating a "preemptive reform" meant to ensure the survival of the communist power elite into the new political order. However, the coup initiated the non-violent revolution: the change at the top of the communist party triggered a massive and unprecedented mass mobilization under the lead of the united opposition, which opened the way towards a real change of system in that country.

The communist regime in Romania was the last in a row to collapse during the revolutionary year , and its collapse was marked by bloodshed and violence. The Romanian revolution was non-negotiated and violent and contradicted therefore the non-violent character of the rest of the revolutions in ECE. Since the opponents of the regime could not organize themselves politically under communism and thus pave the way for the systemic changes of the year , there was no organized dissident group that could fill the power vacuum generated by the sudden demise of the regime.

With regard to the emergence of a "preemptive reform," Kitschelt et al. Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 39 general confusion, took over the provisional government. Although violent, Romania's exit from communism was perceived as being the least radical from among the former Soviet bloc countries because of the obvious continuity between the communist regime and the successor regime in terms of political elite recruitment.

As Linz and Stepan aptly put it, Romania was "the only country where a former high Communist official was not only elected to the presidency in the first free election, but re-elected. For instance, Leslie Holmes has coined the term "double rejective revolutions:" the first rejection was that of the external domination of the Soviet Union upon the respective coimtries, while the second rejection was that of communism as a system of power.


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They were not simply See Juan J. Carey, ed. They were a rebirth, and rebirths not revolutions, as Marxists would have it are the locomotives of history [original emphasis]. As he further points out: "In a modernity that re-establishes continuity with its symbolic origins in the Renaissance, the events of can be celebrated as exemplary: in them more than anywhere else we see revolution replaced by rebirth.


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  8. True, revolutions are generally unexpected and perhaps this is why they represent a fascinating research topic. Still, in the case of the 1 events in ECE one could also employ a term that was originally used by Paul Kecskemeti to characterize the Hungarian Revolution, and call them the "unexpected revolutions. What was at stake was the departure from a project that aimed at solving a crisis of modernity by serving the cause of freedom and equality which proved to be an utter failure. Consequendy, violence, Utopian dreams and class struggle were not on the agenda of a majority of the revolutionaries of and thus one may advance the idea that the revolutions of were the first revolutions of the postmodern age.

    As Jiirgen Kocka perceptively argued, the communist regimes, like the fascist ones, were "modern dictatorships" because the causes they served, as well as their scopes and means, were intrinsically modern: "For the communist and fascist dictatorships of Karol Soltan, " as Rebirth," in Antohi and Tismaneanu, eds. Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 4 1 the twentieth centuty the rule was: the modernity of their methods and goals corresponded to the modernity of their causes. In this respect, Eisenstadt's discussion on the "postmodern" features of , seen as an upheaval against the failed project of modernity in Sovietized Europe is perhaps the most appropriate to characterize those events.

    In Eisenstadt's view, one could identify similarities between and the "classic" revolutions with regard to: "The close relations among popular protests, struggles in the center, and the intellectual groups that developed; the place of principled protest; [and] the emphasis on the legitimacy of such protest, central in all of them. Their legitimizing power stems from their universality - the good that is promised freedom, enlightenment, socialism, prosperity, progress, etc. Jarausch, ed. Eisenstadt, "The Breakdown of Communist Regimes," Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, , Although grand Utopian dreams were absent in , "small" Utopias were nevertheless present and inspired the revolutionaries of Conceptual Framework and Methodological Approach 43 Explaining the Collapse Culture, Structure, and Contingency The changes initiated in in East-Central Europe involved not only a transition from communist authoritarian rule to a political democracy, but also a structural change from a centrally-planned economy to a functional market economy, with enormous social costs.

    After the communist takeovers, the newly installed regimes engaged in a process of decisive "breaking through. As shown above, drawing on Eisenstadt's analysis, this work proposes the generic term "postmodern" revolutions when referring to the breakdown of communist rule in ECE. Nevertheless, it appears that a major theoretical challenge is to provide a working definition of such a revolution.

    Numerous authors have argued that violence should be considered an essential ingredient of a genuine revolution. Ironically enough, according to such a criterion, only the events in Romania could be characterized as a "true" revolution. It is this author's opinion that what characterized the 1 revolutions was the immediate potential for open and fatal violence, and not necessarily the actual recourse to it. Therefore, one should take into consideration two main issues when attempting at devising such a working definition. Second, the revolutionary situation in ECE in differed from the classic revolutionary situations in the sense that although an immediate potential for open and fatal violence did exist, violence was rather the exception and not the norm.

    Furthermore, the following three definitions of a revolution have been considered in order to coin the definition of a revolution employed by the present work: 1 "A revolution is a rapid, fundamental, and violent domestic change in the dominant values and myths of a society, in its political institutions, social structure, leadership, and government activity and policies" Samuel P.

    Huntington ; 2 A revolution is: "A rapid and fundamental change of system" Leslie Holmes ; and 3 A revolution is: "The replacement of the elite and the introduction of a new political or economic order after violent or nonviolent protests by the population" Karl-Dieter Opp. The Sequence of Collapse of State Socialism in ECE Having reached a working definition for the revolutions, the next step is to provide a theoretical model able to explain the demise of communist regimes in six countries with different cultural- See Samuel P.

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